For ICE/CBP the data regarding stops, searches, and arrests are thinner, more politically constrained, and more focused on patterns of Latino targeting, workplace/“street” arrests, and border stops rather than traffic stops generally.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7]

How racial profiling is measured for ICE/CBP

What the results show for ICE/CBP

Available analyses consistently point to heavy, often disproportionate targeting of Latinos and to profiling in street/workplace operations and jail‑based screening.[6][7][2][4][5][3]

Advocacy groups also emphasize that DOJ’s general ban on racial profiling includes explicit exemptions for CBP and some ICE border‑adjacent activities, giving these agencies wider legal latitude to consider race/ethnicity than local police, which shapes both practice and measurement.[9]

Where facial recognition fits in immigration enforcement

DHS (including ICE and CBP) uses facial recognition and other biometrics for identity checks at ports of entry, airport “biometric exit” systems, investigative work, and some mobile field operations.[10][11][12][13]

Because immigration databases (e.g., visa, passport, and mugshot repositories) and ICE/CBP watchlists are already skewed toward non‑citizens and communities of color, plugging facial recognition into these systems tends to magnify existing biases—who is scanned, who is flagged, and who is apprehended.[11][12][13][10]

Impacts in the immigration context

The intersection of profiling and FRT in immigration enforcement has several concrete and systemic impacts.[6][7][13][2][9][10][4]